Summarized from the Hungarian Human Rights Foundation (HTMH)’s 1996 annual report on transborder Hungarian minorities — one part of a five-part series circulated by A.J. Vadasz in September 1997 (section B is not present in the surviving copy). Other parts in this series: Transborder Hungarians: Serbia (Vojvodina) · Transborder Hungarians: Slovakia · Transborder Hungarians: The West · Transborder Hungarians: Carpato-Ukraine (Kárpátalja) · Transborder Hungarians: Romania (Erdély/Transylvania).

1. Demographics

Practically the entire Hungarian population lives in Transylvania (Erdely). According to the 1992 census 1624959 considered themselves Hungarian, or 7.1% of the overall population. Some other counts, e.g. from church membership, put the number close to two million. Over one third of this population is concentrated in Szekely-land, in the counties of Hargita, Kovaszna and Maros. Almost another third live along the Hungarian border, the rest in mid- Transylvania and scattered in “Romanian” territory. The total Hungarian population has shrunk somewhat since WWII (primarily due to emigration), while the Romanian population has increased in Transylvania, due to planned settlements.

2. Legal

SITUATION. In spite of its numbers, the Hungarian minority’s situation continues to be disadvantageous; the Romanian constitution considers the country a “nation-state”, recognizes only the Romanian language and does not recognize use of other languages. While the constitution does recognize minority rights to education, to parlamentary representation and the availability of translation services, these paragraphs are not specific enough to guarantee practical results. Recent legislation in education, in government administration and affecting political parties have further curtailed minority rights: in some respects even more than under Ceacescu. Since 1991 the country’s ethinic minorities have demanded the acceptance of rights legislation and even though the government has promised such to the European Community (in preparation for membership) such has yet to be enacted. The recently signed bilateral agreement with Hungary seems to create a climate for recognition of minority rights, it makes these subordinate to the general body of law and does not spell out means for monitoring. The 1996 elections have brought changes: 177 towns had elected Hungarian mayors and with the election of parties closer to the minorities, two Hungarian cabinet members had been appointed in the national government. Political parties. The RMDSZ (Romaniai Magyarok Demokratikus Szovetsge- Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania) is both a political party and a socio-political organization for minority rights and is supported by other Hungarian political parties as well. After its 1995 convention, the RMDSZ undertook a structural reorganization and a program for international cooperation, such as with the European Union, the Council of Europe,etc.

3. Economics

The changing trend towards market economy has caught the Hungarian minority at a disadvantage. Lax regulations have given the Romanian-controlled authorities sundry ways to put them at a disadvantage. Compounding their problem is the lack of capital among Hungarians. Encouraging is the entrepeneurial trend, often involving partners from across the border.

4. Education

Instruction in Hungarian is below the proportion of pupils attending: 6.6% in kindergarten, 4.5% in “middle schools”, 1.9 % of vocational school attendees receiving Hungarian instruction vs. 7.1% of their share in the overall school population. University level instructions also below norms, as the Bolyai university- closed in 1959- has not been reconstituted. Professional training particularly suffering. Some relief from parochial schools, which however do not receive government help. Also helping are scholarship students attending programs in Hungary: some 1000 currently. An education law enacted in 1995 has put Hungarian instruction at a new disadvantage, in fact it contradicts the Romanian constitution, flies in the face of the Council of Europe’s requirements, which Romania had pledged to observe.

5. Churches

Roman catholics are split between four Hungarian dioceses, the Moldova and the Bucharest diocese. As a result many Hungarian catholics (who constitute the majority of all catholics in the country) are under Romanian church direction, 70% of the leadership being Romanian. The protestant churches (reformed, unitarian, evangelical) are all under Hungarian direction.

All of these churches have economic concerns, have not been compensated for axpropriated properties. In August 1992 the State undertook the restitution of properties for the greek catholic church, but omitted considering all others. This may be derived from the 1923 consitution which considers Orthodox the reigning religion, with the greek catholic enjoying priority over all others. Thus a total of 1300 Hungarian parochial schools are still government owned. A difficult situation was created thorugh the elevation of the Gyulafehervar bishopry to archbishop status, which further increased the share of Hungarian catholics under Romanian leadership and indeed prohibited the use of the Hungarian language in the Iasi and Bucharest dioceses.

6. Civil

INSTUTUTIONS. The 1989 system change saw the establishment of a number of Transylvanian Hungarian organizations and foundations. Their number exceeds 300 and scopes range from cultural, traditional, artistic, educational , social to research, professional and economic. Some are of local interest. To partially compensate for lack of financial means, many of these have gone the route of sister city associations.

7. Media

While the end of Ceucescu’s rule has brought with it freedom of expression, the State-controlled media (esp. radio and TV) do not have adequate minority language programming, as they seem to continue to adhere to the policy of assimilation. Partially compensating are the new non-government radio and TV stations. There arfe about 60 Hungarian language publications. State assistance means to some continuous threat to their editorial policies. Many are depnedent on the assistance of the Hungary-based Illyes foundation. It also helps in journalism schooling. A significant factor is the Hungarian journalist’s league (Romaniai Magyar Ujsagirok Egyesulete).

8. Majority

ENVIRONMENT. The 1989 changes had signaled new hope in minority relations, however the years since have proven otherwise, as Romanian nationalism has put pressure to reverse the promises made. Leading the anti-Hungarian attack was the Vatra Romaneasca, formed largely by ex-Ceacescu adherents. Hungarian autonomy aspirations had been labeled “revisionist”, “separatist”, etc. Press policies have ranged from the histerical extremism to “moderate” anti-Hungarian attitudes- with notable exception of a few , led by the leaders of the country’s intelligentsia. The 1996 elections have brought bbeneficial changes however. Whether the new, tolerant spirit is to prevail for long is a good question.